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Momma said wonk you out

EDWARDS AND POPULISM.

The Des Moines Register endorsed Hillary Clinton today, which seems potentially important. My sense is that it's less so for the actual vote implications -- the high-profile endorsement of a well-known frontrunner is less meaningful than the high profile endorsement of an overlooked also-ran -- than that it gives her a bit of momentum back after a tough week against Obama. But I was interested in The Register's shot at Edwards:

Edwards was our pick for the 2004 nomination. But this is a different race, with different candidates. We too seldom saw the "positive, optimistic" campaign we found appealing in 2004. His harsh anti-corporate rhetoric would make it difficult to work with the business community to forge change.

On some level, that's actually a fair critique. Edwards has offered strident demands for change without articulating a theory of how you create change. "Taking back power" from corporate interests and greed sounds really great, but it's not clear how he means to do it. The intent is there, but the mechanism, the strategy, the leverage, isn't. After all, as Edwards himself says, they're not going to give it up willingly. And while strengthening unions and creating social democracy would be great, you still need Congressional assent -- and that's where corporate interests concentrate their political power. So it's all a bit vague.

But it is real, or so it seems. His comments on Stephanopoulos today were true populism, and, I think, deeply felt. Which seems to be important to people. I hear a lot of folks arguing that this "new" Edwards is somehow inauthentic, that his moderate record in the Senate represented the "real" him while all of this is simple pandering. I think it's quite the opposite. Which is why I want to link back to the profile I did of Edwards back in February, which explores the roots of his populism and, I'd argue, turned out to be fairly prescient in predicting the trajectory of his campaign. You can read the whole thing here, but the relevant excerpt of Edwards and corporate power is below the fold. What I took away from our talks, and tried to argue in the piece, is that whatever else Edwards is -- a panderer, a political neophyte, a smooth-talking lawyer, someone with nice hair -- his life path has amounted to an intensive course in anti-corporate populism, and that this rhetoric and approach actually fits much better with his history than does his record from the couple of years he spent in the Senate. Anyway, read on:

Reminded of Faircloth's attacks on trial lawyers, Edwards' longtime pollster Harrison Hickman laughs. "We were very much like Br'er Rabbit: glad to be thrown into that brier patch. It lets Edwards talk about the kinds of people he represented, families and children who'd been injured in egregious ways. The challenge would always have been, in a debate: Name one of my clients who didn't deserve the award they got."

It is a failure of political reporting that those legal cases are rarely evaluated as anything but potential attack ads. The stories, people, and corporations Edwards came into contact with amounted to a searing, visceral course in old-style populism.

Think of it this way: Hillary Clinton's caution and political savvy are obvious products of an adult life spent entirely in politics, the last 15 years or so on the national stage. Barack Obama's broad appeal and talent for consensus building are not unexpected traits in a former community organizer. So what does spending decades confronting the grievous, heartbreaking damage done to individuals and families by powerful, profit-driven corporations do to a man?

"Every single day," says Edwards' wife, Elizabeth, "what he saw were good people, in great need, who were being mistreated by big corporations -- corporations that knew that they had done wrong, and often insurance companies that were taking a calculated risk going to trial. … If you took that person, a person who chose that as his life, you would end up with the politics that he's talking about today."

In 2003, when John Edwards wanted to present himself to the electorate, he, like every other world-leader wannabe, wrote a book. But his Four Trials, unlike most campaign tracts, doesn't say a word about his experience in the Senate or his plans for the country. Instead, it recounts a quartet of trials Edwards fought: two against corporations, two against doctors. More to the point, it introduces four clients whom Edwards fought for: ordinary individuals who display heroic endurance in the face of profoundly unfair events. At the close of one wrenching trial, Edwards turns to the jury and says, "What you have been doing for the last seven weeks is you have been watching what happens when absolute corporate indifference collides with absolute innocence. That's what this case is. That is what this case is about. And that is why you are here."

In some ways, that is also what Edwards' campaign is about, why he is here. When we sit down for an interview, one of the first questions I ask him is whether he thinks of himself as a populist. "If I knew what that meant," he laughs, "I could answer that question." But as I start to offer a definition, he interjects: "Can I answer first, then you tell me? I don't want my answer to be influenced by the other definition. If being a populist means standing up for regular people so they don't get … ," and here he pauses, searching for the right words, "… stomped on by powerful multinational corporations, the answer is, 'Yes.'" I abandon my own definition, which, by comparison, would seem tinny and esoteric. "The reason I wrote that book the way I did," he continues, "is I think you read that book and you know, for good or bad, a lot about John Edwards and the way he views the world."

Edwards, to be sure, is not anti-enterprise, but his comments lack the deification of business and business leaders that so often lace elite Democratic rhetoric. This, again, speaks to background. Career politicians spend their lives raising money, not making it. As they ascend in prominence and power, their need for well-heeled supporters grows ever greater. A corporate friend is not only a good golfing buddy; he's also a financial savior, an indispensable political asset. Indeed, in such a relationship, the politician needs the business leader more than the business leader needs the politician. In politicians, it breeds an inevitable idealization of corporate executives.

Certainly this was true for another southern politician who occasionally claimed the populist mantle: Bill Clinton. In The Survivor, reporter John Harris' recounting of Clinton's presidency, the author describes Erskine Bowles, Clinton's third chief of staff and the man who would lose a bid for the Senate seat Edwards vacated to pursue the presidency: "A Charlotte investment banker and millionaire many times over from his business dealings as well as the family fortune into which he married, Bowles fairly boasted of his indifference to capital customs. 'I'm a creature of the private sector,' he liked to say. 'It's my natural habitat.'"

This is precisely what attracted the president. "The Clintons," Harris writes, "had organized their lives around politics, not money, yet they were fascinated by people who had made money and understood it, especially when these people were not conservative Republicans. Clinton knew he was just as smart as and usually more experienced than almost any political operative giving an opinion. But an investment banker like Bowles -- now, there was someone worth listening to."

Edwards reveals an opposite approach. He doesn't take money from political action committees or lobbyists, and in conversation, casually places himself in opposition to the reflexive glorification of corporate CEOs. At one point, I ask about the volunteerism aesthetic of his campaign, which plans to enlist scores of civic-minded supporters into "One Corps" -- volunteers who, with the campaign's encouragement, will fan into their communities to do public service. "This is perfectly consistent with my belief in labor unions, in the jury system, in the power of America," Edwards says. "It's the difference between the CEO of a multinational corporation and somebody who believes the best of America comes from its people, not from people who are giving orders. I don't know any other way to describe it. I really do believe that in my heart and soul, and always have."



COMMENTS

Good stuff Ezra. If any of you haven't read this:

Jacob S. Hacker and Paul Pierson, “Business Power and Social Policy: Employers and the Formation of the American Welfare State,” Politics and Society (2002) 30; 277-325.

You should go out and do so. Great stuff on the dynamics of business power and political change.

Wow, I love John Edwards more than ever now. I also like Obama's message too! Unfortunately, Obama seems to have a greater potential to win.

It seems somewhat logical that if the full power of the Executive branch can be devoted to favoring giant corporate and financial interests, and running Executive institutions in their favor, that this pattern could be either (a) not followed, or (b) reversed.

You know, things like actually staffing and funding food processing plant inspection departments and staffs to the levels which existed before Reagan.

I really don't think it's quite as complicated to wield the Executive branch power more towards the citizenry's interests versus corporate favoritism than it is made to seem.

That's probably why the Presidency is the grand prize of big money domination of the US political system.

Slightly off-topic, but this post brought to my mind one of the more shocking magazine covers for a Democrat to have courted, of this (or any election): Business Loves Hillary

That line about Edwards also jumped out at me for a couple of reasons. First, I'm saddened that so many people who write on the nets and seem to want real change, have not embraced a candidate who is advocating for significant changes in the power share in this country. This quote shows why - people are afraid that we can't do anything if we upset the "business community" Have we all given up on real change? It's not surprising that major newspapers are saying this, but lot's of "progressive" bloggers are setting their sights too low.

Second, and relatedly, it's not the entire business community that Edwards is after, it's the extremely select group at the top who can afford to buy legislators or executives and bend the course of this country to serve their finacial interests at the expense of our health, our finacial security, and the lives of our youth.

Nobody thinks an Edwards presidency is going to take back all the power that corporate interests now have. But it is time that the pendulum begins to swing the other way. The big money will always have a big influence in politics, one way or another, but it is a far, far better thing to have someone in the White House who gives a damn about the average joe or jane, rather than what we have now.

I don't understand how the other candidates are going to do better reeling in corporate interests. Because they don't use harsh rhetoric? What is The Register thinking?

If you don't understand the problem, there's zero chance you're going to fix it.

Edwards, perhaps alone, sees what's wrong. I'm willing to give him a chance.

Unfortunately, Obama seems to have a greater potential to win.

Obama may a greater potential to win the nomination -- although I sense Edwards is beginning to get some momentum -- but I'd say it's a real stretch to argue Obama has a better shot in a general election. Anything can happen, of course, but most analysis I've seen makes a logical and compelling case that John Edwards would be the strongest Democrat in a general election.

The troubling thing about the Des Moines Register piece, and the coverage of Edwards in general, is the implication that Edwards being "angry" this time around means he's no longer "optimistic." The two are not mutually exclusive. The problems of poverty and undue corporate influence over government that Edwards has focused on in his campaign are problems we should all be angry about. But he wouldn't be running for president if he weren't optimistic about our ability to confront and correct these problems.

most analysis I've seen makes a logical and compelling case that John Edwards would be the strongest Democrat in a general election.

Perhaps more importantly, the polling shows this as well. The Democrats will be making a big mistake if they don't nominate Edwards.

Heartily agree with these:

El Cid:I really don't think it's quite as complicated to wield the Executive branch power more towards the citizenry's interests versus corporate favoritism than it is made to seem.

GreenVTster:It's not surprising that major newspapers are saying this, but lot's of "progressive" bloggers are setting their sights too low.

Changes in staffing agencies and interpreting the laws and regulations can make a major difference for citizens, as George Bush's push in the conservative direction has shown.

But some things require huge clashes of power, and yet others will require significant changes in the law and judges who interpret the law. For instance: Corporate 'Personhood'. Laws and court decisions have given corporations standing as persons, but the Constitution nowhere requires or sanctions this.

Lobbying reform and public financing of elections can also weaken the power of corporations (directly or indirectly) to demand and get legal favors.

And yes, we can through regulation and laws counter the power of megacorporations (think Walmart or Citicorp) in our economy - anti-trust being a tool that has been recently much neglected but is very effective.

I'm ready for a Dem. president to once again, like FDR seeking reelection in 1936, to speak out and act against 'malefactors [evildoers] of great wealth'.

FDR's June 27, 1936 Acceptance Speech
[snip]
For out of this modern civilization economic royalists carved new dynasties. New kingdoms were built upon concentration of control over material things. Through new uses of corporations, banks and securities, new machinery of industry and agriculture, of labor and capital—all undreamed of by the fathers—the whole structure of modern life was impressed into this royal service.
[snip]
It was natural and perhaps human that the privileged princes of these new economic dynasties, thirsting for power, reached out for control over Government itself. They created a new despotism and wrapped it in the robes of legal sanction. In its service new mercenaries sought to regiment the people, their labor, and their property. And as a result the average man once more confronts the problem that faced the Minute Man.
[snip]
Throughout the Nation, opportunity was limited by monopoly. Individual initiative was crushed in the cogs of a great machine. The field open for free business was more and more restricted. Private enterprise, indeed, became too private. It became privileged enterprise, not free enterprise.
[snip}
For too many of us the political equality we once had won was meaningless in the face of economic inequality. A small group had concentrated into their own hands an almost complete control over other people's property, other people's money, other people's labor—other people's lives. For too many of us life was no longer free; liberty no longer real; men could no longer follow the pursuit of happiness.

Against economic tyranny such as this, the American citizen could appeal only to the organized power of Government. The collapse of 1929 showed up the despotism for what it was. The election of 1932 was the people's mandate to end it. Under that mandate it is being ended.

The royalists of the economic order have conceded that political freedom was the business of the Government, but they have maintained that economic slavery was nobody's business. They granted that the Government could protect the citizen in his right to vote, but they denied that the Government could do anything to protect the citizen in his right to work and his right to live.
[snip]
These economic royalists complain that we seek to overthrow the institutions of America. What they really complain of is that we seek to take away their power. Our allegiance to American institutions requires the overthrow of this kind of power. In vain they seek to hide behind the Flag and the Constitution. In their blindness they forget what the Flag and the Constitution stand for. Now, as always, they stand for democracy, not tyranny; for freedom, not subjection; and against a dictatorship by mob rule and the over-privileged alike.
[snip]

FDR's 10/31/1936 Radio Campaign Speech:

We have not come this far without a struggle and I assure you we cannot go further without a struggle.
For twelve years this Nation was afflicted with hear-nothing, see-nothing, do-nothing Government. The Nation looked to Government but the Government looked away. Nine mocking years with the golden calf and three long years of the scourge! Nine crazy years at the ticker and three long years in the breadlines! Nine mad years of mirage and three long years of despair! Powerful influences strive today to restore that kind of government with its doctrine that that Government is best which is most indifferent.

For nearly four years you have had an Administration which instead of twirling its thumbs has rolled up its sleeves. We will keep our sleeves rolled up.

We had to struggle with the old enemies of peace—business and financial monopoly, speculation, reckless banking, class antagonism, sectionalism, war profiteering.

They had begun to consider the Government of the United States as a mere appendage to their own affairs. We know now that Government by organized money is just as dangerous as Government by organized mob.

I agree its not the entire business community he is after just a select group at the top that can buy legislators or anybody but the trial lawyers association.

Politics requires a general language of understanding. He's talking about a broader concept about how power is distributed in this country, how risk is a lotted, etc. This isn't one person group of people or some conspiracy theory (that's the GOP frame for these discussions because they know if they label it deviantly like this then like good little sheep most Americans will follow). The point is more fundamental- it's about how we organize our society, how we look at it. Do we become so cynical that we accept, as most do including apparenlty the newspaper in IA, that the cost of doing business is putting up with the crap that's been happening in this country for the last 2 decades? If you think that we need to do business "this way" then of course you will perceive of Edwards argument as anti-business. Once you realize the point is "how we do business" then the lazy-think goes away.

I admire Mr. Edward's populist message. The problem is the messenger, not the message. It is going to be difficult to convince the American people to accept your populist message when you haved worked for corporations that evicted Katrina victims from their homes. It seems Mr. Edwards populist message takes a back seat to his personal interest. He fails to undertsand that the force of his example is just as important as the example of his force. One might claim many of these corporate leaders only do what they do because they want for themselves and their families the type of lifestyle Mr. Edwards enjoys. It might be hard to think about the little guy when you are trying to keep up with the Edwards and their big houses and $400 haircuts. Insurance companies make a killing on the fact that people need health care or they will get sick and die; while Mr. Edwards made a killing on the fact that sometimes those trying to help those in need make mistakes. I don't see much of a difference. I am sure that everyone Mr. Edward's represented was entitled to the settlement they recieved. Since they were entitled to all that money I find it sicknening that Mr. Edwards would take such a significant portion of what they deserved. Anyone who thinks this man is more electable than the other democrats is deluded.

I admire Mr. Edward's populist message. The problem is the messenger, not the message. It is going to be difficult to convince the American people to accept your populist message when you haved worked for corporations that evicted Katrina victims from their homes. It seems Mr. Edwards populist message takes a back seat to his personal interest. He fails to undertsand that the force of his example is just as important as the example of his force. One might claim many of these corporate leaders only do what they do because they want for themselves and their families the type of lifestyle Mr. Edwards enjoys. It might be hard to think about the little guy when you are trying to keep up with the Edwards and their big houses and $400 haircuts. Insurance companies make a killing on the fact that people need health care or they will get sick and die; while Mr. Edwards made a killing on the fact that sometimes those trying to help those in need make mistakes. I don't see much of a difference. I am sure that everyone Mr. Edward's represented was entitled to the settlement they recieved. Since they were entitled to all that money I find it sicknening that Mr. Edwards would take such a significant portion of what they deserved. Anyone who thinks this man is more electable than the other democrats is deluded.

JT - you lost me with the Katrina line. You are supporter of another candidate wasting my time and yours pretending you are interesed in Edwards message. You are interested in lying about a candidate- that tells me your interest is a lie.

Edwards is exactly what we need now--a fighter who fights for the rest of us--fighting not just to amass power or because the polls say it'll help get elected, but because we ARE the country, and we're hurting and not being represented at all.

And it'll be easy to implement what he talks about--just stopping the privatization of govt and the horrible "free trade" stuff alone will do wonders, and turning the focus on our issues and our domestic needs first and foremost.

One great reason not to nominate Edwards is EXACTLY what Jasper, above, counts as a point in his favor-- this old canard that you have to be a Southern Democrat to win an election.

That gets us, on average, much more conservative governance than we need. Certainly much more hawkish governance-- and Edwards, despite later apologizing, did deliberately murder 3,800 American servicemembers in Iraq.

Nominating and winning with a Barack Obama will mean that we will no longer have to listen to people tell us that the only way to win is to nominate Southern conservatives.

shorter last post- trade one tokism for another.

akaison:

Not really. Once it is established that non-Southern non-conservatives can win, I have no problem electing a Southern liberal every now and then. (Of course, Edwards showed his true colors voting for the Iraq War and they were not liberal, no matter how many speeches about big corporations he gives.)

But we have to establish the principle first. As long as we remain captive to the idea that only Southern conservative white males can be nominated by the Democratic Party, we effectively prevent any liberal governance in this country. We define the left end of the national poltiical spectrum as the North Carolina Democratic Party.

i am not sure how you t hink what you wrote is a rebuttal of my point. you are just willing to trade one form of tokism for another, and i might add without having any results that would be of any value to anyone other than the candidate elected. trust me no one african american is going to be helped by obama's healthcare plan as much as they would by edwards. you are simply using id politics to obscure this fact, and i don't care if you think the symbolism is of more value to us. it isn't. having good insurance and longer lives is. nor does it matter by the way that most AAs do not realize what obama and clinton are peddling isn't advantageous to us as much as edwards goals.

trust me no one african american is going to be helped by obama's healthcare plan as much as they would by edwards

Actually, Edwards' health care plan will harm ALL poor and middle class Americans, because:

1. It will force them to purchase insurance they can't afford.

2. Its alleged subsidies will be slashed to get the thing passed and then will not keep up with runaway health care inflation.

3. Because the subsidies will inevitably be skimpy, poor and middle class Americans (whose employers will slash health benefits) will be forced into the cheapest, cut-rate policies offering them the worst type of HMO care with denials of benefits, review boards, and bureaucracies ensuring that they never get the insurance they pay for.

4. The public plan in Edwards' plan will be slashed to the bone or eliminated, just like the Direct Student Loan program, to ensure that it is never a viable competitor to the private sector plans that fund campaign contributions to politicians.

5. Pundits will pronounce the health care crisis solved, and therefore, we will never have a universal health care plan that the government provides to all Americans.

In other words, blacks-- and everyone else-- will be far, far better off as far as their health care is concerned if John Edwards loses.

having good insurance and longer lives is

And Edwards will put you in cut-rate health insurance policies that will kill you.

And I can name 3,800 brave American servicemembers who not only won't have "longer lives", but whose lives John Edwards deliberately took in cold blood with his Iraq War vote, by the way.

Bottom line, though, I don't think my point is one of "identity politics". Rather, it is about the fact that we will NEVER bring the poltical system back to the left unless we stop being cowed into nominating Clintons and Carters and Edwardses, on the theory that only they can win.

Obama promises an end to that.

This has become a popular response with me and i feel the need to post it here- when you start to make shit up, you lose me. Because we know a plan that has no public option, provides no meaningful way to reduce cost, and conservatively leaves 15 mil (most likely peo of color) without insurance is far better. I am not buying what you re selling. The point is compare and contrast- not in talk in a vacuum.

I don't really care what you think you are doing. It's in fact what has been happening. I love when I hear from some white liberal for example how I must not "support black people" as a black person because I dont support Obama. because you know as white liberals theya re in a better position to judge that. the underlying elephant int eh room is that if obama were white and male or clinton were male most of you absolutely would not be making the arguments you are now making.

"Hey that is unfair, my favorite presidential candidate is black."

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Ezra Klein is an associate editor at The American Prospect. An archive of his articles for The American Prospect can be found here.

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